Egypt has been one of the most essential migrant-sending and migrant-receiving countries globally. As a transit country, Egypt attracts several migrant groups from other parts of the Middle East and Africa. Cairo’s bilateral agreements and disputed migration diplomacy with the European Union (EU) beget the increasing number of migrants who cannot cross borders easily due to the firm state control. In addition to this, soaring conflicts and civil wars in the neighboring countries and the MENA region increased the number of immigrants precipitously in Egypt, particularly Sudanese and Syrian refugees. According to the IOM statistics in the most recent launch, around 1.5 million Syrian and  4 million Sudanese immigrants live in Egypt. However, it should not be forgotten that the civil war in Sudan has been unfolding since April 2023, and it is estimated that 1,200,000 Sudanese  immigrants moved into Egypt following the civil war. This makes Sudanese immigrants outnumber excessively among all migrant groups in Egypt.

Syrian and Sudanese immigrants constitute the most dominant migrant groups in Egypt. Both migrant groups escaped a civil war in recent years as displaced people. Several economic and legal setbacks exacerbate both Syrian and Sudanese migrants’ lives as they are struggling with renting, unemployment, skyrocketing black market prices for the currency, and many other challenges. Although both Syrians and Sudanese speak Arabic as Arabic nations, they are treated very differently at both societal and political levels in Egypt. When Syrian refugees are welcomed wholeheartedly by the Egyptian society and the government, Sudanese refugees face several types of unfair treatment across Egypt, particularly by the North Egyptian society. This difference stems from concrete problems ingrained in the society’s problematic perception and the Egyptian government’s policy.

It is feasible to capture this difference from the expressions of refugees based on their differing experiences in Egypt. Reham, a business manager, praises Egypt’s hospitality and welcoming environment joyfully, saying, “I forgot Syria, its streets and its smells. Even after all these years, Egyptians still treat me as a guest.” When it comes to Sudanese migrants, the issue presents an opposite picture, putting them in dire and miserable conditions dramatically.  In this respect, Berky, who is a 19-year-old Sudanese migrant, articulates his traumatic experience, saying, “When I go in the street, we have some bullying. Other times, they beat us because they say we are not the same.” With the recent influx of Sudanese refugees following the 2023 civil war in Sudan, Sudanese refugees began to have more challenges socially and politically in Egypt. In this sense, Egypt has initiated its double standards for Sudanese refugees in Egypt since they opt for “lighter” Syrians over “darker” Sudanese in Egypt. As a result, a kind of systemic discrimination has developed in the Egyptian state against one particular refugee group: Sudanese. Their situation is juxtaposed with much more complex realities at different levels of analysis in terms of comparison.

A Welcoming Environment for the Syrian Refugees in Egypt

Although they face a lot of difficulties ranging from finding jobs to underpayment, a more welcoming environment and political approach exist toward Syrian refugees. Society sympathizes with Syrian refugees intensely in a way that Syrian refugees feel like they are in their homeland. Syrian refugees express their feelings and contentment in their interviews, saying, “There are no words to describe how welcoming and kind Egyptians have been.” Another Syrian refugee expresses his gratitude, saying, “We do not feel alienated in Egypt….the Egyptians supported us and gave us a helping hand… there is no discrimination against Syrians in Egypt; on the contrary, we live with dignity and receive the best treatment by Egyptians.” This great contentment with the Egyptian hospitality and positive approach contradicts other countries’ approach to the Syrian refugees, particularly Lebanon, Türkiye, and the EU countries. This might be relevant to Egyptians’ favorable view of Syrian refugees’ skills, facilitating the Egyptian market and efficiency.

They are especially well-known for their experience, hard work, punctuality, delicate accent, and productivity in Egyptian society. Media is critical in promoting their good image in Egypt, accentuating their high skill and qualities. The Egyptian government does not welcome Syrian refugees as much as Egyptian society following Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi’s coup as they were accused of supporting the Muslim Brotherhood and political interference in Egyptian internal politics. They were introduced to some visa restrictions that further impeded the immigration of Syrian refugees into Egypt. Despite some recent political challenges and legal regulations, which will be exemplified in this piece later, the Egyptian government pursues a more favorable stance and policy towards Syrians, allowing them to access many rights and still reunite Syrian refugees with their families.

Accelerating Systemic Discrimination With “Anti-Blackness” Against Sudanese Refugees in Egypt

There are three significant waves of Sudanese immigration to Egypt historically due to the perpetual civil wars in Sudan causing a considerable number of Sudanese migrants’ settlements in Egypt. “Anti-black” sentiments and discrimination have been going on for decades on immigrants, particularly Sudanese. It is explicit that Egyptian society indicates some racial hierarchical understanding, implying the inherent problem of racism in the form of “anti-blackness.” The Arab Barometer’s Racism Report presents some intriguing and meticulous data regarding the high level of anti-blackness in Egypt. The reactions of Egyptian respondents reflect how “anti-blackness” is pervasive in Egyptian society with little consciousness. Although the Sudanese refugees experience various kinds of discrimination and adverse policy, Egyptian society seems to be unaware of this fact, as can be seen in the graphic below.

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Source: Arab Barometer’s Racism Report

The absence of black audible voices and their limited rights pave the way for the existing racism and lack of awareness in Egypt. This enormous lack of awareness reflects itself in their attitudes and violence towards Sudanese refugees in numerous documented or undocumented cases in Egypt. Most Egyptians deny this phenomenon, albeit with substantial evidence.

Due to their darker skin color, the Sudanese refugees feel inferior compared to the Syrian refugees, based on an implicit bias that is widely affiliated with the Egyptian word ‘Udqet Al-Khawaja.’ The Sudanese encounters with adverse situations are Pandora’s boxes that reveal several untold stories about the Sudanese people. Some Egyptians harass, bully, insult, beat, and sometimes even kill Sudanese refugees in Egypt. After the outbreak of the civil war in Sudan, Egyptians’ hate speech and discrimination reached an unprecedented level, igniting the hate speech even against Nubian Egyptians because of their darker skin color. This inherent racism influences the political level sphere as a reflection of systemic racism of the Egyptian “anti-blackness.” Their situation falls into a legal grey area, which is conducive to an unknown future in terms of politics. Egyptian authorities do not pay attention to the inherent problems of the Sudanese.

Although Egyptian President al-Sisi states, “They are our guests, and negative treatment is not acceptable and not allowed,” in a meeting, there is no protection law against racial discrimination or “anti-blackness” in Egypt. This gives rise to systemic racism in Egypt, particularly towards darker-skin-colored refugees. Egyptian political history presents how the state firmly repressed Sudanese refugees with its iron fist. In December 2005, the Mustapha Mahmoud Park Massacre, which resulted in the killings of 25 (official number by Egyptian authorities) or 134 (unofficial number) Sudanese refugees and many more wounded, followed a peaceful camp protest by the Sudanese at Mohandessin for their demands of refugee status from the UNHCR and the state. The recent refugee crisis intensified this systemic racism through violent actions and racist attitudes of the Egyptian authorities towards Sudanese asylum-seekers who escaped the virulent crisis in Sudan after April 2023. Many Sudanese headed towards the borders of Egypt and sought refuge from the Egyptian authorities as legal refugees. However, Egyptian guards responded violently to the asylum seekers at the borders through detention, torture, insulting, injuries, and shooting. It can be said that this strategy is a systemic nationwide effort to deny Sudanese refugees the ‘refugee status’ in Egypt. They are on the brink of a massive catastrophe with the high possibility of deportation without any investigation. This explicitly contradicts the 1951 Geneva Convention, which Egypt ratified owing to a series of unlawful deportations.

Regarding economics, it is fair to say that Sudanese contribute to the Egyptian economy in various sectors, changing from restaurant staff to housemaids. Despite this palpable contribution, they are not deemed as “acceptable residents” concerning the Egyptian racial hierarchy. It is undeniable that Egypt has a right to secure and check its national borders as a sovereign state. Nonetheless, this does not allow Egypt to deny each Sudanese without investigation concerning legally binding documents and universal human rights. They are handcuffed like dangerous criminals and deported by Egypt’s Border Guard Forces since September 2023 without allowing them to claim asylum. This process is an outright part of the systemic racism by the Egyptian state against the Sudanese.

Double Standards and the Changing Egyptian Policy with the Syrian and Sudanese Refugees

The recent crisis in Egypt marred Sudanese refugees’ lives as discrimination intensified against the Sudanese. The European Union funds Egypt to keep the migrants but does not inspect the system adequately. There is no proper human rights monitoring mechanism to control the process of entrance or deportation at the borders. They cannot move into Egypt unless they obtain visas from the Egyptian consular office in Wadi Halfa or Port Sudan. It means they must pass through a causeway in a conflict-ridden quagmire, which is unacceptable for human rights advocates who move with robust cognizance.

Given the fact that Egyptian society turned its backs on the Sudanese and Sudanese refugees’ problems, they had already been omitted by the state in Egypt. On the other hand, Syrians have been treated more tolerantly by both Egyptian society and the state. Syrians’ business and investment with their Egyptian partners contributed to the Egyptian economy with around $800 million. This is another reason for the Egyptians’ sympathy towards the Syrians. Egypt has not opted for the forced migration of Syrian refugees yet. However, some concerns grew out of the recent developments among the Syrian refugees because they are supposed to renew their residency requirements with the enforcement of new regulations in 2023. Before this regulation, they could stay with their tourist visas with regular renewals. Egyptian authorities unleashed an intense fear among Syrian refugees with those regulations. Undoubtedly, all of those represent the shifting migration policy of the Egyptian state on migrants with more tightening rules.

It would be unfair not to accept important distinctions between Syrian and Sudanese migrants as they differentiate from each other through their overall wealth, number, and the way of migration. However, Egyptian society’s “anti-blackness” based on colorism can be found in the state’s appraisals and policy. Besides, the Sudanese are caught in a stalemate in Egypt with “anti-blackness” and systematic racism, which render them vulnerable to violence. At the same time, Syrian refugees enjoy the hospitality and respect due to their “white” color.

The Changing Egyptian Migration Politics as A Wildcard

Given the fact that the Egyptian state has given some clues about the shifting migration policy that might end double standards for all immigrant policy, the EU’s funds and politics might continue to flow into Egypt with the recent deal on additional funding of 7 billion Euros, with a minimum 200 million Euros for immigrants. This policy makes Egypt a gatekeeper for the EU’s safety. Many experts criticize the ongoing financial support for the Egyptian government as they do not spend enough on needy immigrants.

They violate several other human rights, such as freedom of expression. This vicious cycle represents how the European Union backs the wrong horse, leading to more immigration of Egyptians themselves due to the existence of an autocratic repressive regime. Despite this inadequate financial support in Egypt, Egypt hardens the conditions for all immigrants, including Syrians and Sudanese. Another challenge appears on the horizon recently since the Egyptian parliament approved a new legal framework for refugees in Egypt. Asylum-seekers and refugees were compelled to submit for their legal status in the country within 45 days of their arrival. Undoubtedly, the number of deportations and detainments will surge exponentially. This new regulation and the creation of the Permanent Refugee Affairs Commission have sparked a series of harsh critiques and feverish debates by some ordinary people and civil society organizations.

With all these new developments, some questions hover around Egypt’s prospective policy for the foreseeable future. Will Syrian refugees maintain their privilege among immigrant groups with the support of Egyptian society?  Will the Egyptian state transform double standards for different migrant groups, Syrians and Sudanese? How will Sudanese refugees react to systemic racism in Egypt? Most importantly, how will Egyptian wildcards respond to the refugee crisis? Those questions might determine the direction of Egyptian migration policy’s future.